Friday, 30 May 2025

A history of substitutions for the divine name. Part 1: substitutions before the New Testament


Here's a chance to bust some myths. In certain religious circles, a story has been put round for a long time that editing the personal name of God (that's "Yahweh" in case you need to note) - editing that name out of the Bible is said to be a wicked thing to do. Only in some circles. And people who hold that kind of view also tend to think that any religion that uses any Bible with God's name edited out is a bad bad bad religion. This proposition is pretty easy to test. 

The obvious way to test it is to ask this question: does the Bible itself ever edit out the name of God already,  anywhere in its own pages? That's possible to check because the Bible itself quotes the Bible. That is to say, earlier parts of the Bible get quoted in later parts of the Bible. So if an earlier part of the Bible featured God's name, and it gets quoted in a later part of the Bible, we can track that and see if the name gets edited out or not. If we find the name does get edited out, then we know that the Bible doesn't see that as a wicked thing to do at all. 

This begins as a Jewish story with Jewish evidence. Christian evidence comes later in the story. This is the first of three posts to see if this myth is bust or not.


About this personal name

In the original Hebrew language of the Bible, the name Yahweh shows as just four letters: YHWH.   It is a Hebrew word. That is, it's written in Hebrew letters, originally written by and for Hebrew readers, found in Hebrew culture such as in the Jewish   Scriptures. 

This word of four letters has complex origins, arguable pronunciations, and meanings that continue to engage scholars in debate. But that name implies a meaning - usually thought to express an idea of the eternity of God—that God was, and is, and ever shall be. Also, it expresses the idea that God's presence shall never depart from the ancient people of Israel. The way the story is told, the Hebrew name for God expresses God's special covenant relationship with the Israelites.

The word ‘YHWH’ is sometimes referred to as the "Tetragrammaton" which literally means "the four-letter word." In the Middle Ages, arguably, the spelling of the name was turned into “Jehovah,” but it now tends to be pronounced as “Yahweh” (by non-Jews). 

But this post is not about pronunciation. It is about where and when the divine name gets edited out or replaced in the Bible: replaced by "substitutes" is what we're really talking about. It's a surprising story.

This journey will start in the Old Testament, the Hebrew Scriptures.


Why write this post?

But you may be wondering what would prompt me to write about this? Well, Jehovah's Witnesses (yes, again) have recurringly told me that there is a sinister reason why the divine name YHWH is rarely seen in Christian Bibles. They claim it's been deliberately "hidden" in order to make members of traditional churches believe in the Trinity. I won't here repeat the rather tortuous argument by which they get from one to the other. But this sort of thing prompts me to want to get down in writing something that is faithful to history as best known. 


The facts

In mainstream Bibles, yes, substitutes for the divine name Yahweh really are used. And there are some pretty noble substitutes, such as "LORD" (which you see instead of Yahweh). Obviously, this does result in Bibles in bookshops that say "LORD" a lot, but rarely have the name "Yahweh" anywhere on the page. (Not all Bibles, but many. Choice is out there.) 

Of course, the Bible isn't the only place the name would ever be found. Plenty of church teaching and singing does feature the name Yahweh (or Jehovah), including popular compound names such as "Jehovah Jireh" (easy to find if you check). But in the choice of mainstream Bibles, some more often have substitutes than others. 


A glimpse ahead to the second of the three posts

Sneak preview. A large part of the reason why the divine name Yahweh is rarely found in most Christian Bibles has to do with the intentions of the original authors of the New Testament. Yes, they were very innovative in how they used the word "Lord" where you might expect to see the word "Yahweh." 

The New Testament authors didn't do that to hide something, they did it to reveal something. 

To show us something about Jesus. 

And Jesus will be the subject of the second post. It is part of the biblical background to substitutes for the divine name. 

But we start in the Old Testament, as follows.



Origins of the name of God in Scripture


You may ask, where might I find this unusual name appearing in the Bible anyway? Interesting origins story. We start before the time of Jesus. Much earlier: the time of Moses.


Exodus 3:14-15 seems to connect the divine name YHWH with the divine name given to Moses as Ehyeh Asher Ehyeh.

 

So it's a good idea to start with what "Ehyeh Asher Ehyeh" means, and it's something like "I am who I am". Or "I will be who I will be." 


Another translation I like is "I am he who was, and am, and will be", as this could underlie the refrain carried into the New Testament "who was, and is, and is to come". 


That name is given to Moses between two promises of God that "I will be with you" (Exodus 3:11-12, Exodus 4:11-12). So the name Ehyeh Asher Ehyeh, seems to affirm that "I will be with you" message. 


Oddly, the name actually given - Ehyeh Asher Ehyeh - disappears after that. (It is never used as a name by Moses as far as we know, but Moses seems reassured by hearing it.) Why does that matter? Because using substitutes for the name of God is a practice that perhaps goes back even to here. Although God revealed his name to Moses as Ehyeh (meaning ‘I am’) or Ehyeh Asher Ehyeh (‘I am that I am’), nevertheless God indicates to Moses that the Israelites can use the name Yahweh instead - so Yahweh wasn't the only name. (Yahweh might have a similar meaning to Ehyeh.) The name Ehyeh is never ever used again for God again in the Old Testament. Instead the name Yahweh is used, perhaps as a substitute for Ehyeh. Perhaps, anyway.

 

Now it is the case that using a substitute has the same force a s using the divine name, precisely because a substitute stands for the divine name. To put it another way, the same God is referred to as El Shaddai (by Abraham), as Yahweh (by Moses), and as “The Power” (by Jesus). All these are meant to have the same force. Because they all refer to the same God. 

 


Biblical basis for substitutes for Yahweh, the divine name


What if I told you that the Hebrew text of the Hebrew Bible is where substitutes become common instead of seeing "Yahweh"? It's not as a mad an idea as it may sound.

Substitutions for the divine name first become commonplace in the book of Chronicles. Let's go there  .



Kings and Chronicles: substitutes for the divine name

 

The Old Testament has history books such as Samuel and Kings, and books written later such as Chronicles. They were all fitted into the Old Testament like a library of short books. Chronicles quotes Kings and Samuel, divine name and all. Which means we can test right here whether the Bible ever uses substitutes or not.


The books of Chronicles copied a lot of material, word for word to a large extent, from those earlier books of Samuel and Kings. But - and here's the thing - the books of Chronicles often use the word 'God' (‘Elohim’ in Hebrew) as a substitute whereas the earlier books of Samuel and Kings, had used the name 'YHWH'. This is very interesting. It's easy to compare the two.

 

i.e. When finding the word YHWH in Samuel and Kings, sometimes the Chronicler replaces it with the substitute word ‘Elohim’. (Other times the Chronicler doesn’t use a substitute but simply copies the word ‘YHWH’ as he finds it.) 


Here then, we find the basis (in Scripture) for substituting the divine name with another word. It's done intermittently by the Chronicler who makes it look like a harmless practice. The Chronicler wasn’t superstitious about the divine name. The Chronicler was simply happy to take a scripture source with 'YHWH' and write a new version with a substitute instead: Elohim, which means God. Instead of saying the personal name of God, he just says "God." That sets quite a precedent, as we will see.

 

While there are too many examples of it to cite, even just from these books, the following few are instructive, taken from the crucial story of the dedication of the Temple of YHWH built by Solomon. 


The earlier source for the story is 1 Kings chapters 7-8. Look below, for example, at what is written in 1 Kings 8:62-63, where the name YHWH appears twice; and then see the swap when it was later rewritten in 2 Chronicles 7:4-5. Look out for the swap because the Chronicler doesn't do it every time: so, whilst 2 Chronicles 7:4 faithfully copies ‘YHWH’ from its source, when you get to verse 5 it surprisingly substitutes ‘God’ for 'YHWH.' 

Here are the two passages to compare, Kings and Chronicles:

 

1 Kings 8

62 And the king and all Israel with him were offering a grand sacrifice before Jehovah.

63 And Solomon proceeded to offer the communion sacrifices that he had to offer to Jehovah, twenty-two thousand cattle and a hundred and twenty thousand sheep, that the king and all the sons of Israel might inaugurate the house of Jehovah.

 

Compare that with:


2 Chronicles 7

4 And the king and all the people were offering sacrifice before Jehovah.

5 And King Solomon went on offering the sacrifice of twenty-two thousand cattle and a hundred and twenty thousand sheep. Thus the king and all the people inaugurated the house of God.

 

See the swap? The main difference is in the last word there. (Actually, if you look really closely, the word Jehovah is in the quote from Kings three times. The Chronicler keeps one, drops one out, and changes the last one to "God.") So the noble practice of using substitutes for the divine name intermittently was already well underway. The name was not being completely erased. But it wasn't being treated superstitiously either. The Chronicler confirms, it was find to keep it, or drop it, or swap it.

 

So the Chronicler was both keeping the memory of the divine name alive whilst substituting another word for the name here and there. Other examples of substitution of the divine name, in the story of the dedication of the Temple, occur in: 


2 Chronicles 5:1 (compare to the earlier 1 Kings 7:51)

2 Chronicles 5:14 (compare 1 Kings 8:11)

2 Chronicles 6:34 (compare 1 Kings 8:44)


 All these use the word ‘God’ as a substitute for 'Yahweh,' except the last example which substitutes “you” for “Yahweh”. We're well into the idea of substitutes for the divine name now.

 

I could cite lots of other examples. But just one more for now. A notable instance is found in the rewriting of Nathan and David’s prayers by the Chronicler. Here substitutes are used for the divine name in 1 Chronicles 17:2 and 3 (compare with the earlier 2 Samuel 7:3 and 4). 

And we see it again in 1 Chronicles 17:17 (compare with 2 Samuel 7:19). Again, it's intermittent - in neighbouring verses the word ‘YHWH’ is kept or even added by the Chronicler! The writer of Chronicles was clearly free to do this. Here is the former of those examples to compare:

 

2 Samuel 7

3 Upon that Nathan said to the king: “Everything that is in your heart—go, do, because Jehovah is with you.”

4 And it came about on that night that the word of Jehovah came to Nathan, saying...

 

Now see how that was changed by the Chronicler:


1 Chronicles 17

2 Upon that Nathan said to David: “Everything that is in your heart do, for God is with you.”

3 And it came about on that night that the word of God came to Nathan, saying...

 

The practice of using substitutes for the divine name, as you clearly see here, originates in the Hebrew scriptures. The honourable tradition of substitutions goes back to the biblical books of Chronicles. (It's not "apostacy" to use substitutes, as some critics have claimed!) The use of substitutes in the Hebrew scriptures undeniably legitimises the use of substitutes elsewhere, as we will see when we get to the Greek Scriptures.


 

Psalm 53: substitutes for the divine name

 

But they go back even earlier too.

 

Another example of substitution in the Hebrew scriptures may be seen in Psalm 53. Look what it does with material it takes from Psalm 14.

Psalm 53 is nearly a word-for-word copy of Psalm 14. But... a significant difference is where Psalm 53 repeatedly substitutes "God" in place of Psalm 14’s "Jehovah". Here are the verses in the two Psalms:

 

Psalm 14

2 Jehovah looked down from heaven upon the children of men,

To see if there were any that did understand, That did seek after God.

 4 Have all the workers of iniquity no knowledge,

Who eat up my people as they eat bread, And call not upon Jehovah?

 6 Ye put to shame the counsel of the poor, Because Jehovah is his refuge.

 7a Oh that the salvation of Israel were come out of Zion!

When Jehovah bringeth back the captivity of his people,

 

Now see how psalm 53 changes it:


Psalm 53

 2 God looked down from heaven upon the children of men,

To see if there were any that did understand, That did seek after God.

 4 Have the workers of iniquity no knowledge,

Who eat up my people as they eat bread, And call not upon God?

 5b Thou hast put them to shame, because God hath rejected them.

 6a Oh that the salvation of Israel were come out of Zion!

When God bringeth back the captivity of his people,

 

Three times it happens there: 'Yahweh' is swapped out, and 'God' is swapped in by the Hebrew psalmist. So that is yet another clear case of the biblical practice of substituting the divine name.[1]

 

So the Old Testament itself was an authority, which ancient Jews and Christians had, for not having to copy the word "YHWH" when copying a text where they saw "YHWH". There were no rules saying they had to include it or exclude it, but there was an authority in the Old Testament itself for doing both or either. 


 

A handful of Hebrew Scriptures: alternatives and substitutes for the divine name

 

Curiously, in the later scriptures of the Hebrew Bible, there is significantly less use of the divine name than in its earlier scriptures.[2] For instance, whereas in Deuteronomy, the name is used hundreds of times, in Daniel’s twelve chapters the name YHWH is used only in chapter 9 (around Daniel’s prayer). In Daniel generally the preferred words are 'God' (Elohim) and 'the Most High.'

 

What about other books? Esther and Ecclesiastes (and perhaps Song of Songs) omit the divine name "Yahweh" altogether. There was some Rabbinic discussion of the status of these books but they were accepted as canon - without God’s name.[3] (Interestingly, these are three of the five books from which the New Testament never quotes. The other two never quoted are Ezra and Nehemiah.)

 

Let’s say a little more about the absence of the name from those Old Testament books.

 

Esther: the name of God is famously absent from the book of Esther. Rabbi Ibn Ezra (11th century) suggested that this was so that non-Jews reading it would not misuse knowledge of it. 

 

Ecclesiastes: Ecclesiastes uses Elohim as God’s name, not YHWH. Some scholars see in Ecclesiastes’ language parallels with a scripture dated to a time after the Babylonian Captivity, Malachi, but some prefer to believe that it was written earlier by Solomon himself. Either way, it is another book without the divine name.

 

Some editions come up with one use of Yahweh in Song of Songs, which is a contentious interpretation, but the name is otherwise absent from that book too.


That decline in use all happened before the time of Jesus.

 

(Oh, and the use of the name is infrequent in Job, mainly in the prologue and epilogue.)

 


Why the restraint?

So, the phenomenon of scriptures that do not use the divine name directly originates in the Hebrew Scriptures themselves. If you press for a reason for the decline in use of the divine name before the time of Jesus, we must continue to look to ancient Jewish sources for explanations. Let's do a bit of history.

 

It has rightly been suggested that this decline goes all the way back to a sense of national disgrace lingering over Israel, due to their exile in Babylon, a land of unclean lips. And also, the idea of restoring the name is to do with the disgrace of the exile. What does that mean? 


Here’s a useful comparison on the idea of restoring the name. When Chesterfield Football Supporters Society once said “we want to restore the good name of the club” - or when Time Magazine said that in the 1930s that the US, Britain and France “took the view that Problem No. 1 was to restore Germany's good name” - this meant the name of each had been associated with disgrace. And their good name needed to be re-established.

 

Likewise, God’s name was tarnished by the exile. Israel’s sin was judged under the Babylonian exile. The restoration of God’s name meant the name would no longer be linked with this disgrace. Israel’s sin would be forgiven, the kingdom would be restored to Israel, the whole world would see their salvation by Israel’s God. This was the restoration of God's good name they were looking for: an Israel with a good reputation in the eyes of the nations.


Knowledge of biblical substitutes, such as in the psalms, would have been of assistance in the time of the exile in Babylon, where they didn’t want to bandy the divine name around in front of their oppressors like throwing pearls before swine in their time of disgrace. This time is where the tradition of limiting utterances of the divine name seems to have come from. The issue wasn't that the Name was too holy to utter. Rather the issue was: who was holy enough to utter it? Why bandy the Name around in front of people who would only misuse it? Why should Yahweh’s name be mocked by their captors? Why should the word YHWH be appropriated by those who will only use it for mockery or, worse, as a name to use in magic spells? Safeguarding the holy name when you are strangers in a strange land of unclean lips is entirely understandable. Within private Israelite ritual settings it could be uttered without compromise. But in public, in the exposed pagan worlds of exile? So, how to be discreet in that time? The psalms and other scriptures furnish the tools for the task of discretion: substitutions and circumlocutions. 



Intertestamental Jewish literature: alternatives and substitutes for the divine name

 

We're not yet finished with evidence from before the time of Jesus. What about Jewish books other than the Bible? (What we call "non-canonical" books.)  What about ones from the time between the writing of the Old Testament and the writing of the New Testament? (What we call "intertestamental" books.)

It should be mentioned that many non-canonical Aramaic and Hebrew texts omit the divine name altogether. A lot of these were written in Greek, and the Greek word "Kurios" appears as a substitute for the divine name. "Kurios" translates as "Lord." This way of substituting became very influential.

 

There's the work of Aristobulus. His Greek citation of Exodus 9.3 uses 'Kurios'.

 

Likewise, the Letter of Aristeas uses 'Kurios' in its Greek citation of Deuteronomy 7:18-19.

 

Also Philo uses 'Kurios' as an alternative to the divine name, and he was a contemporary of Jesus.

 

But let’s do some more detailed work.

 

We will note three main things about this Jewish literature, focussing on the so-called Wisdom of Solomon. And another called Ecclesiasticus (a text also known as Ben Sirach). And also the books of Maccabees. Why do these books matter? Here's why:

 

1)         they were an inspiration to the New Testament writers

2)         they mentioned caution about pronouncing the divine name 

3)         they substituted ‘Kurios’ for ‘Yahweh’ when citing Old Testament scripture

 

And all this before the time of Jesus. 

Here is a brief overview from this Jewish literature, showing how words are used as alternatives and substitutes for the divine name.

 

2 Maccabees 2:8 (dating to about 125 BC) has 'Kurios' for the divine name. e.g. "the glory of the Lord (Kurios)." There are other examples, e.g. in 3.33.

 

In the Wisdom of Solomon (dating to about 50 BC) 'Kurios' is used as an alternative to the divine name. e.g. "who can comprehend the will of the Lord (Kurios)" in 9:13. There is similar in 4:17-18. This is the sort of place where you might expect to see Jehovah instead, but find Kurios. The Wisdom of Solomon inspired part of Paul’s letter to the Romans, so it’s valid to take note of it. See appendix 1 below.

  

2 Maccabees 2:8 says:

 

“the glory of the Lord (‘Kurios’) will be seen, and so will the cloud, as it was revealed in the time of Moses and when Solomon prayed that the holy place might be gloriously hallowed.” (NJB)

 

This is alluding to two passages. It uses the word Kurios where a so-called "sacred name movement" might expect to use Yahweh! Here are examples of a Bible version that keeps "Yahweh" (the New Jerusalem Bible) so you can see the difference:

 

Exodus 24:16: “The glory of Yahweh rested on Mount Sinai and the cloud covered it for six days. On the seventh day Yahweh called to Moses from inside the cloud.” (NJB)

 

1 Kings 8:11:12: “For the glory of Yahweh filled the Temple of Yahweh. Then Solomon said: Yahweh has chosen to dwell in thick cloud.” (NJB)


2 Maccabees 2:8: “the glory of the Lord (‘Kurios’) will be seen, and so will the cloud, as it was revealed in the time of Moses and when Solomon prayed that the holy place might be gloriously hallowed.” (NJB)

 

So you can see that Maccabees was relaxed about using Kurios instead of Yahweh.


More about: when saying "YHWH" becomes a taboo


It is often said that in the intertestamental period, speaking the divine name became the prerogative of priests. This history of a priestly prerogative owes much to rabbinic writings that appeared in the third and fourth centuries AD, but tradition was based on earlier knowledge. Mishnah Sotah (m. Sot. 7.6) seems to indicate that before the time of Jesus the divine name was spoken aloud in the Temple (but not in the Jewish diaspora) when the priest speaks the blessing from Numbers 6:24-26. That would be an example of the priestly prerogative.


There is evidence of special caution about pronouncing the divine name in Jewish circles. This would not be surprising to anthropologists. The divine name is like a sacred object, and sacred objects become taboo in order to protect them from being defiled by the unclean. So, it would make complete sense that historically, the divine name became taboo while in exile in Babylon, so that it would not be used cheaply on the lips of pagan Babylonians. This is not superstition. It is not supposing any magical power in the name. Simply, communities protect their sacred objects. That's why Psalm 137:4 says "How can we sing Yahweh's song in a strange land?" Think of that verse as key to understanding this. In a land of unclean lips, who is worthy to utter the Name? You can see why it became the preserve of the high priest in the temple.

 

The Wisdom of Solomon 14:21 refers to ‘the ineffable name’ (NJB) or ‘the incommunicable name’ (Greek ‘to akoinoneton onoma’). It is therefore not surprising that this book does not feature the divine name and that kurios is used as an alternative to YHWH.

 

Ecclesiasticus 23:10 (aka ‘Ben Sirach’, about 125 BC) warned that "someone who is always swearing and uttering the Name will not be exempt from sin” (NJB). Therefore, it is not surprising that this book does not feature the divine name.



The Septuagint translation: alternatives and substitutes for the divine name

 

We're still in the Jewish story from before the time of Jesus.


We can also go back to Greek versions of the Old Testament discovered from before the time of Jesus. That is, the Septuagint translation (also known as LXX or "old Greek" translation). It's good to compare this Greek translation with the Hebrew original.

 

You can see substitution in the LXX Greek translation of Isaiah 40:


Isaiah 40:13 (LXX): "Who has known the mind of the Lord (Kurios)? and who has been His counsellor, to instruct Him?" (The Greek reads τίς ἔγνω νοῦν κυρίου.)


If you look at the Hebrew, you will see it says 'Yahweh,' not 'Kurios.' And Isaiah 40 is treated similarly in another intertestamental text:


Wisdom of Solomon 9:13: “What human being indeed can know the intentions of God? And who can comprehend the will of the Lord (Kurios)” (NJB)

 

So the Greek LXX is on the same lines as other intertestamental material there: it uses substitutes.


What we do know, based on documentary evidence, briefly:

(1)   Some, perhaps all, old Greek texts of the Scriptures around circa 50 BC had either "YHWH" or the Greek abbreviation "Iao". (But it is also possible that some copies would have had "kurios" (cf. "qere"), which some LXX experts, like Pietersma for example, think was already the original rendering of the Divine Name in at least some parts of the LXX.)


(2)   When Jews in their own personal Greek writings quoted from the LXX they were at liberty to write Kurios, whether or not the LXX had YHWH or the abbreviation  Iao.


We have seen, from literature that was an inspiration to the first generation of Christians, that the New Testament authors would have been familiar with caution about pronouncing the divine name, and familiar with the Greek practice of using Kurios, sometimes as an alternative, sometimes as a substitute.

 

 

Dead Sea Scrolls: alternatives and substitutes for the divine name

 

Let’s turn to the Dead Sea Scrolls, from before the time of Jesus. It's a library of scrolls. You can find Hebrew scrolls of parts of the Bible and Greek ones. It's a treasure trove. The Qumran community who had the scrolls had a clear warning: "Anyone who speaks aloud the Most Holy Name of God … while he is reading a book or praying, is to be expelled…"[4]

 

There are surviving manuscripts of the Scriptures in Hebrew and in the Jewish Septuagint in the scrolls. But they don't all do the same thing. They vary their treatment of the divine name. In the scrolls there are interesting textual variations.

 

I’m talking especially about a scroll of Isaiah (1QIsaa):

  • in some verses it has four dots in place of YHWH;
  • in other verses it has the divine name in Aramaic, sometimes with and sometimes without the consonants of Adonai (ADNY) an alternative Hebrew name for God written above it.

 

This is direct evidence that there was a reminder to ancient Jewish readers to pronounce Adonai as a substitute instead of saying Yahweh. And this is not the only substitute evident in the Dead Sea Scrolls.

 

Other manuscripts in the Dead Sea Scrolls from before the time of Jesus testify to variety. Sometimes, instead of seeing the divine name, you see a little blank space. Sometimes you see substitutions. A space might have dots instead of the name. This could serve a variety of purposes: to avoid a risk that extensive handling of a scroll causes damage to the ink smudging or damaging the name; or lest the reader pronounce it - you see a cue for some readers to use a substitute such as Adonai or Kurios if they felt they should; or a little space left blank for a more skilled scribe to add the divine name later in perfect handwriting. You see all this variety from very careful Jewish scribes.

 

It's interesting that some such manuscripts left a little blank space in a Bible passage where the word YHWH belongs. We sometimes find the space filled in by another scribe's hand as ‘YHWH’ – this is the case with PapyrusFouad266 (where a later scribe missed one of the spaces and left it blank - oops!). But notably in Papyrus Oxyr. 656 a similar blank space has been filled in as Kurios by a later scribe. (Papyrus Oxyr. 656 is from Egypt, not from the Dead Sea Scrolls, by the way.) So we see variety again. The name was not being phased out, but alternatives were acceptable. What was spoken may depend on who was reading the scroll. A lower ranking reader might say Adonai, a more senior one might say Yahweh, but this is speculation.

 

More interesting variation: in a Greek translation of Leviticus found in the Dead Sea Scrolls (labelled 4QpapLXXLev) the sound of the name of God is represented by the Greek letters ιαω ιαω - ΙΑΩ in capitals (a transliteration pronounced ‘Iao’). This is curious, given that this scroll seems to make Lev 24:16 out to be a prohibition on pronouncing the name out loud. (By the way, centuries later, the Aramaic version of Hebrew scripture known as Targum Onqelos also seems to treat Leviticus 24:16 as prohibiting the pronunciation of the four-letter version of the name YHWH, just as in earlier times.) 


The Greek transliteration ιαω is found in a number of Jewish manuscripts dated to a few centuries before Jesus.[5] So what is going on here? It's quite simple. It's because it's not the full name.


In some Qumran texts, Maryah ("Lord" in Aramaic) is substituted for YHWH.


Basically, the prohibition was only ever about saying the Tetragrammaton, the full four-letter version of the name: YHWH. The taboo was never about speaking any abbreviation. ιαω only ever represented an abbreviation. It would be silly, completely impracticable, to ban the abbreviation Yah or Iah because it appears in names such as Isaiah. That is, Isa-IAH. You can't have a taboo about that! They did have a taboo about the full name YHWH - see the difference?


That's why they were also fine with saying the Hebrew phrase "Halleluyah." Like the name "Isa-iah," this is two parts combined.


In Hebrew, the two parts are הַלְלוּיָהּ (meaning "praise ye..." and is built up from the Hebrew verb hālal  which is הָלַל) plus the abbreviated name of God which is reduced to יָהּ which is shown as the Yah in Hallelu-yah. 


Put it all together and the Halleluyah phrase in Hebrew is written as הַלְלוּ־יָהּ. 


The Hebrew for the Yah part is י (Yod) plus ָהּ (the ah sound). 

 

So the taboo was not about that abbreviation. The taboo was about the full 'YHWH' which looks like this in Hebrew: יהוה. 

 

There is an unidentified fragment in the Dead Sea Scrolls which includes 'Kurios' preceded by a space. It suggests Jewish use of Kurios as divine name, as if a space was left, and when it came to filling it in with the divine name, it was decided that Kurios would be the right choice instead of Yahweh,

 

(All these things are pre-Christian Jewish writings. So by the time the New Testament comes along, using 'Kurios' as divine name was hardly a novelty. It was in use as an alternative, and sometimes a substitute, for the divine name YHWH at the time when the New Testament was being written. I’ll come back to that. So the Chronicler had plenty of followers, tradition-wise!)

 

So, the Hebrew YHWH was not the universal form for conveying the divine name. Martin Rosel makes good points about this in his 2007 paper entitled The reading and translation of the divine name in the Masoretic tradition and the Greek Pentateuch.

 

The patchy manuscript evidence is enough to demonstrate diversity in the Septuagint’s approach to the divine name, blank spaces, substitutes, etc. This is the case for LXX manuscripts from before and after the time of Jesus.[6]

 


In Christian times

Later, it was Christians who were keeping the text of the Jewish LXX alive when other people ignored it. The early Christians received and maintained a varied manuscript tradition of the LXX, with and without the divine name. For the avoidance of doubt, we can say that they didn’t erase the divine name from the Septuagint. They preserved variant readings of the Septuagint with and without the divine name, not least in Origen’s famous Hexapla, and in Jerome’s work of the 4th-5th century. They preserved what was there, without a doubt. They simply recorded varied manuscript traditions.

 

As an aside, it's worth making the point that this evidence of faithful Christian copying practices, completely undermines fringe speculation that the New Testament books were tampered with by naughty Christian scribes erasing the four-letter word Yahweh from every single copy, so that it's never found. This is obviously nonsense, because that's not how they behaved. We have proof from early Christians like Origen and Jerome that they hadn’t erased the name from the LXX tradition of the Old Testament. So it is baseless to speculate that they would have ever erased the name from the New Testament. There is no such trajectory in any early Christian texts. There was always variety, and they were unafraid to make known the presence of the divine name in copies of the LXX. This is in evidence all through those early Christian copies of the LXX going on for centuries.

 

So if the full divine name had ever been in the New Testament, faithful Christian writers would likewise have shown it. For further proof, we do see that, just as they preserved variant readings of the LXX, so too they faithfully preserved variant readings of the New Testament. But here's the thing - the full divine name isn't a variant in any New Testament manuscript! 


All of this means the full divine name was surely never there in the New Testament - we can be confident enough saying that. We have enough evidence to say that is the surest conclusion.


And the New Testament does keep the two-letter abbreviation, against which there was no taboo. So in the New Testament, you do find "Halleluyah."

 

I’ve set out what happened before Jesus simply as background to understand the development. Now we can take some Jewish evidence from around the time of Jesus, and after Jesus. Two very famous Jewish authors left us plenty of evidence, and their names are Philo and Josephus.



Philo and Josephus: alternatives and substitutes for the divine name in the first century AD

 

The trajectory of substitutions, from the book of Chronicles onwards, reaches the first century. We come to the primary witness of Jews who weren't Christians that they were were still cautious about the divine name in the first century AD. 


This is the same century in which Jesus preached and when Jewish Christians were writing the New Testament, so careful attention pays dividends.

 

Philo was writing alternatives to YHWH, and one of his preferred alternatives was Kurios.

 

Josephus has another alternative to writing YHWH. Josephus’s preferred alternative was “Despotes”. (Josephus may well have avoided “Kurios” as the emperor’s title. Christians on the other hand, by using Kurios, were clearly not worrying about offending the emperor!)

 

Here's the extra detail.

 


Philo, first century Jewish writer

 

We can be confident that some early Christians had read Philo’s Greek works, so we can hardly ignore him. The Gospel of John, written in Greek, presents a concept of the Word (Greek: Logos) which seems to be an answer to Philo’s concept of the Word/Logos.


Philo lived in Egypt, c. 20BC to 50AD - i.e. he was a contemporary of Jesus. He described the divine name discreetly as “a name of four letters”, one of the names which “may only be mentioned or heard by holy men having their ears and their tongues purified by wisdom, and by no one else at all in any place whatever.” (Philo, On the Life of Moses, II, 23)[7] That policy is clear then. The name could be spoken, but only by the right people, and he wasn’t going to write it down, lest it fall into the hands of the wrong people.

 

Philo quotes Leviticus 24:15-16 this way: "Whoever curses God shall be guilty of sin, and whoever names the name of the Lord shall die.” (Philo, On the Life of Moses, II, 37-38)[8] Strong stuff. Obviously one could not use the name publicly amongst Jews without serious offence being triggered, unless one had the right to do so. But if Philo was doing this to hide the name from anyone, it was only to hide it from people he would see as barbarians. Perhaps this was to mitigate a risk of the name being misused, whether in Jewish oaths or in the magic spells of Gentile magicians who might get their hands on it.

 

Philo’s Greek writings evidence his use of Kurios as a preferred substitute for the name Yahweh. 

 

One other thing about Philo is that he commented that “I am” was not a name, properly speaking. (A question that often comes up.) Perhaps Philo had in mind ‘Ehyeh’ or ‘YHWH’ when making this comment, but we don't know. This “I am” question is a theme taken up later by early church writers (beginning with Justin Martyr) to whom I will return.

 

 

Josephus, first century Jewish writer

 

Now we come to Josephus (born after the time of Jesus, about 37AD, and living in Jerusalem until the war with the Roman army). He was alive throughout the time the writings of the New Testament were written. Josephus published a self-authored book called Antiquities of the Jews around 93AD and in it – tellingly - he wrote that "God declared to [Moses] his holy name, which had never been discovered to men before; concerning which it is not lawful for me to say any more."[9]

 

That is, Josephus’ Jewish religion prevented him divulging the divine name to his Greek-speaking readership. This echoes what Philo said at the start of that century.

 

In summary, usage of the full name beyond permitted Jewish holy parameters was taboo amongst first century Jews. This is true before during and after the time of Jesus and his first disciples. This is true whether our research is Jerusalem-centred (Josephus), looking at the Jewish diaspora (Philo), or even a sect (the people who wrote the Dead Sea Scrolls at Qumran).

 

In the next post, I will look at how Jesus dealt with issues around people pronouncing the divine name out loud.



Appendix 1

 

The Wisdom of Solomon inspired parts of Paul’s letters, so it’s valid to take note of it. Here are some examples showing how it inspired Paul.

 

 

Romans

 

Compare here:

 

Wisdom of Solomon 13.5: "From the greatness and beauty of created things comes a corresponding perception of their Creator"

 

Romans 1.20: “For the invisible things of him from the creation of the world are clearly seen, being understood by the things that are made, even his eternal power and Godhead”

 

And compare here:

 

Wisdom of Solomon 13.8-9: "Yet again, even they cannot be excused, for if they had the power to know so much that they could investigate the world, how did they fail to find sooner the Lord of these things"

 

Romans 1:20-21: “so that they are without excuse: Because that, when they knew God, they glorified him not as God, neither were thankful; but became vain in their imaginations, and their foolish heart was darkened.”

 

 

And compare here:

 

Wisdom of Solomon 14:24-26: "They no longer keep either their lives or their marriages pure, but they either treacherously kill one another, or grieve one another by adultery, and all is a raging riot of blood and murder, theft and deceit, corruption, faithlessness, tumult, perjury, confusion over what is good, forgetfulness of favors, pollution of souls, sex perversion, disorder in marriage, adultery, and debauchery."

 

Romans 1:26-31: “For this cause God gave them up unto vile affections: for even their women did change the natural use into that which is against nature… God gave them over to a reprobate mind… filled with all unrighteousness, fornication, wickedness, covetousness, maliciousness; full of envy, murder, debate, deceit, malignity…”

 

And compare here:

 

Wisdom of Solomon 15.7: "out of the self-same clay he models vessels intended for a noble use and those for a contrary purpose"

 

Romans 9.21: “Hath not the potter power over the clay, of the same lump to make one vessel unto honour, and another unto dishonour?”

 

See the pattern? There’s more there too, but let’s move on from Romans for now to Colossians for more of the same.

 


Colossians

 

Here is more of how Paul was influenced by relevant intertestamental literature, showing that it’s valid to take account of them in this study. Compare here:

 

 

Wisdom of Solomon 7:26: [Wisdom is] “a spotless mirror of the working of God, and an image of his goodness.”

Colossians 1:15: “He is the image of the invisible God...”

 

 

Wisdom of Solomon 1:14: "for he created all things that they might exist"

Colossians 1:16: “...by him all things were created…”

 

 

Wisdom of Solomon 1:7: "...that which holds all things together knows what is said...”

Colossians 1:17: “He is before all things, and in him all things hold together.”

 

See where Paul got some inspiration from?

 

You may be interested to know that Paul’s interest in such literature also extends to Ecclesiasticus – see Corinthians here.

 

 

Corinthians

 

Again, here is more of how Paul was influenced by relevant intertestamental literature, showing that it’s valid to take account of them in this study. Compare here:

 

Ecclesiasticus 1:4: “Wisdom existed before all things...”

1 Corinthians 2:7: “...wisdom that God predestined before the ages....”

 

 

Ecclesiasticus 1:6: “To whom has the root of wisdom been revealed?”

1 Corinthians 2:10: “God revealed these things to us...”.

 

 

Ecclesiasticus 1:10: “...he has given [wisdom] to those who love him.”

1 Corinthians 2:9: “...which God has prepared for those who love him.”

 

 

Ecclesiasticus 1:15: [Wisdom] “has built an eternal foundation among men...”

1 Corinthians 3:10: “...as a wise architect I laid down a foundation....”

 

 

Ecclesiasticus 2:5: “Gold is tested in the fire....”

1 Corinthians 3:12-13: “And if any man builds upon the foundation with gold or silver or precious stones..., it is to be revealed in fire.”

 

In short, you can see that the Wisdom of Solomon inspired parts of Paul’s letters, so it’s valid to take note of it. 



Footnotes

[1] It is interesting to note that the Jehovah’s Witnesses Bible does not allow that this was a choice of the author of the Psalm, and in four places changes the word “God” to “Jehovah”, to enforce conformity with Psalm 14, as follows:

Psalm 53 (NWT)

2 As for God, he has looked down from heaven itself upon the sons of men,

To see whether there exists anyone having insight, anyone seeking Jehovah.

4 Have none of the practicers of what is hurtful got knowledge,

Eating up my people as they have eaten bread? They have not called even upon Jehovah.

5b You will certainly put [them] to shame, for Jehovah himself has rejected them.

6 O that out of Zion there were the grand salvation of Israel!

When Jehovah gathers back the captive ones of his people

[2] Geoffrey H. Parke-Taylor: ‘Yahweh: The Divine Name in the Bible’ page 7-8.

[3] “Defilement of the hands, canonization of the Bible, and the special status of Esther, Ecclesiastes, and Song of Songs.” In Judaism: A Quarterly Journal of Jewish Life and Thought, 1995, Broyde: http://www.encyclopedia.com/doc/1G1-17155566.html

[4] Charter of a Jewish Sectarian Association, Dead Sea Scrolls. Wise, Abegg & Cook, 135.

[5] David B. Capes. ‘YHWH texts and Monotheism in Paul’s Christology’ in Early Jewish and Christian Monotheism . pg 121-123.

[7] Philo, On the Life of Moses, II, 23. See: http://www.earlyjewishwritings.com/text/philo/book25.html   

[8] Philo, On the Life of Moses, II, 37-38. See: http://www.earlyjewishwritings.com/text/philo/book25.html


Friday, 25 April 2025

Book review: Gary B. Ferngren, Medicine & Health Care in Early Christianity. Baltimore: John Hopkins, 2009.


In this book, which I recommend, Gary Ferngren looks at early Christian attitudes towards sickness and health care, and he compares and contrasts such with the Greco-Roman environment. Ferngren doesn’t extend this to comparisons with say, ancient India or China, as his project is to understand early Christian attitudes in their context. So he looks at Greeks, Romans, Jews and Christians in particular.

This is a timely book. The world faces ever more health crises, and Christians have for centuries been one of the leading voices in humanitarianism and health care. At the same time, some churches put so much emphasis on prayer for healing that people risk omitting attention to ordinary medical help.

So what did the early Christians think? What did they do? How were they different? Below, I want to summarise what leapt out at me when reading Ferngren’s book. I’m not  taking it in the same order as the book. My order below is: Greeks, Romans, Jews, Jesus and Christians.

 

The ancient Greeks

In the ancient world, centuries before Christ, Greek medical tradition became divorced from pagan religion. In effect it became religion-neutral. This is of major significance to our story. Medical care became naturalistic and practical, based on observation. If treatments consistently worked, then a Greek physician’s reputation grew accordingly. Think Hippocratic tradition.

Physicians weren’t licensed. Such licenses had not been invented. But with centuries of recording observations, Greek theoretical medicine of various schools gradually became dominant over other approaches to illness. (Ferngren, pages 19-22) At the same time, their secular medical traditions continued to exist side-by-side with enduring “religious, folk, and magical healing traditions”. And the paying public could pick and mix. They could visit root or herb cutters, drug sellers, midwives, religious healers, Hippocratic physicians, exorcists, diviners, priests, not to mention fitness trainers. (37) People would choose according to their worldview, their desperation, and how far their finances could stretch. They could go to the apprenticed physicians or the educated layman, or await itinerant ones. There were also self-help books (okay, scrolls!). Traditional methods were likely to prevail where physicians were more difficult to access, especially for peasants. (38) Whereas, if a sick person attributed their illness to demons, they would approach a religious or magical healer, not a physician. (49)

What was the science? Ferngren says, “The relation of a group of symptoms to a specific disease or disease agent is a recent medical concept. Greek medical authors regarded diseases not as separate entities but as groups of symptoms that affected individuals and could be described and classified.” (14-15)

The Greeks had their educated scroll-reading physicians with long apprenticeships. These schools were Dogmatism, Empiricism, and Methodism. That is, treatment based on knowledge of inner anatomy, treatment based on symptoms, and treatment according to common conditions. There were also independent thinkers outside these schools, and there wasn’t unanimity. It was person-centred anyway, an idea that a patient and a doctor should know each other well. Doctors relied on what worked, and on the basis of what worked, they sought trust and reputation. Their treatments could be hit-and-miss with limited options, and so common sense prevailed over theory. Sometimes, the best way to protect reputation was to avoid difficult or untreatable cases. All this developed before Jesus’ era. (19-22) Hospitals had not yet been invented. Charlatans did exist and could fool people, but good physicians’ healing reputations prevailed. (37)  Indeed, “medicine enjoyed nearly universal recognition in the classical world as a humane art that transcended local cultures and particular ideologies.”  (41)

This was part of the background to the world the first Christians lived in. More background now.

 

The ancient Romans

The Greek naturalistic way of doing medicine carried on into the Roman era, as there wasn’t any distinctive Roman medical tradition. In this Greco-Roman era, many physicians were either educated slaves or ex-slaves - that was the Roman Empire for you. (But of course, a slave would never enjoy the status or reputation of any free man or woman.) (17, 22)

Greco-Roman writers held to the famous “four humours” theory of medicine as the “naturalistic” understanding, upon which a medical approach was based. (18) The Hippocratic approach assumed for example that epilepsy had a natural explanation, not a supernatural one. (19) When people were sick, they looked for remedies, not models of thought. (59) So, on leprosy: “While social ostracism and social terror accompanied the disease in Greco-Roman society, it did not result in the ritual defilement and pollution that it produced in Hebrew society.” (17) Contagion was not yet understood.

In Roman society, individual private alms-giving to the poor wasn’t a thing. (98) Being benevolent was a public thing, done by the high and mighty in order to receive public honour, and was expected to be a reciprocal arrangement of some sort. The deep-rooted human sensitivity to being cheated perhaps (of which social psychologist Jonathan Haidt writes so well).

Gods and rulers were the public's benefactors and were repaid with sacrifices and status and honour.  But in their stories, the Roman gods showed little pity to the poor, and taking pity on the poor wasn’t what Roman rulers were expected to do. Instead, benevolence was towards society as a whole. If you took pity, then you took pity on the unfortunate in your own social class, with the expectation of reciprocity if you fell on hard times yourself. (86-87, 90) (Jesus comments on these customs in the Sermon on the Mount as being insufficient for his disciples’ conduct.) Benevolence was more like hospitality than social justice. (88) And so Roman society did not owe medical treatment to the poor, the lame, etc. There was philanthropy (a word that changed meaning over time, becoming broader) but it was to rich and poor, not targeted at the poor. (90-92)

A free Roman would be a physician for love of honour primarily, more than for riches. (Whereas a slave physician was trained presumably for the benefit of his masters' interests.) Honour, social status, was of prime importance to the Romans. An individual physician might be instinctively kind to a poor person who needed treatment but couldn’t pay, just as an example of being kind to all, of kindness to fellow members of mankind. They didn’t have a special mission for the poor. But this kindness was taken as praiseworthy. In return, the patient was to appreciate the physician’s art – honour again. Honour was the one thing the penniless poor could give in return. (88-90)

Inequality was normal, which was bad news if you were sick and poor. Don’t look to the Roman Stoics for too much hope. Inequality was seen as natural and not problematic. There were no human rights ideologies demanding that the poor sick be treated. Stoic ideas of universal brotherhood did not mean universal human rights. (And their slaves had next to nothing resembling human rights at all.) What was valued most by Romans was the honour of free people, and Roman ideas of virtue (Roman virtue, not Christian virtue per se), and the dignity that comes with good health, all fit into these values. The valuable uniqueness of the individual was not a Roman idea, and Stoic pantheism didn’t dream of it either. If anything Stoicism was somewhat insensitive to individual suffering, and was only an elite indulgence anyway. They didn’t think institutions much capable of improvement because they shared ancient pessimism about human nature. (95-97)

There were “many healing cults throughout the Mediterranean world. There were hundreds of pagan healing shrines in the second century, some connected with local hero cults...” (69) However, claims of miracle cures were two-a-penny, and people were canny and sceptical, especially educated Roman classes who didn’t believe in exorcism either. (70) If stories of Jesus’ exorcisms reached their ears, they would likely have dismissed them without further thought, and stories of Jesus’ healings would have carried little weight. They would have sounded unsophisticated and unconvincing to educated Romans.

 

Jews

The Hebrew idea that everyone is created in the image of the Creator God is a sharp difference from the values of the Greco-Roman world. It helps explain how concern for the welfare of the poor is a strong feature of both Old and New Testaments. Individual private almsgiving for the poor, something of little or no consideration by the Romans, was a Jewish thing that Christians continued. (97-98)

As for treatments for the sick, the Old Testament shows that the Hebrews were supposed to avoid pagan magical cures and were, unsurprisingly, able to set broken bones and bind wounds. Epidemics were sometimes associated with spirituality, and prayer and fasting for healing were appropriate, but there was not a tradition of illness being demonic in origin. The Hebrews did not have a systematic medical tradition of their own, and emphasised Yahweh’s role as healer.

Once Hellenised in the centuries before Christ, Jews adopted Greek traditions of medicine the same as anywhere else did (as well as keeping up Jewish prayer). As Greek medicine was religiously neutral, adopting it is hardly shocking. Although there were voices of caution about integrating foreign expertise into the Jewish culture and a desire to maintain cultural independence, which did actually carry over into early Christianity. (23-24) This was the scene in Jesus’ day.

You don’t see exorcism involved in Jewish healings until Tobit in the intertestamental period. You do find Jewish practices of exorcism in descriptions of the Essenes and in the New Testament. (44)

 

Jesus

Unlike Jewish exorcists, Jesus simply spoke and exorcism happened. Unlike them, he didn’t use amulets or other tools of magic. When some Jews attempt to use Jesus’ name as a magical tool, it doesn’t work. (47)

Mostly when the stories of Jesus mention illness, it’s nothing to do with demons. Diseases generally have different symptoms from anything demonic in these stories. Diseases are described in ordinary language. (60) The boy with epilepsy is a very rare exception. Otherwise, Jesus treats disease by healing, not by exorcising: two different things. (45-47) For instance, when Lazarus dies, it’s to do with illness, not demons. Nonetheless, it’s a miracle that restores him to life. (60)

We see in the stories of Jesus a comfortableness with both the secular physician and the miracle healer. Jesus is even described as a “physician” of spiritual health, and the church remembered him as such, with the emphasis on Jesus as healer of sinners. (30-31) At the same time, Jesus did not make the assumption that misfortune was a result of personal spiritual sin. (60)

We know the story of the woman healed by Jesus after bleeding for 12 years. What’s notable here is that she had been doing the normal thing – paying to see physicians – and it hadn’t worked, and she had run out of money. Such was the lot of many in the ancient world. Her turning to Jesus who could heal by spiritual means is not an attack on physicians. It is a pattern we might expect in antiquity. Go to reputable doctors first, but with a back-up plan. (39-40, 47)

There are many miracle healings in the gospels, seen by the gospel writers as “signs” rather than as everyday occurrences, signs that Jesus was the Messiah who could defeat all the works of the devil, signs that fulfilled scripture. (65) This pattern follows with his disciples at the foundation of the church in the book of Acts. Signs and wonders announce that salvation has come. (65-66)

 

Christians

Ferngren wants his readers to understand that ancient Christianity was not really known as a “healing religion” although that idea is attractive nowadays. (71) Yes, Paul mentions gifts of healing in the church, but does not tell stories of healing, and does not give it great emphasis. Paul talks about illness with quite natural descriptions, though not divorced from the work of God. The letter of James is a bit of an outlier in the New Testament epistles, with its process for anointing the sick and praying for them. This does not preclude going to the doctors. (66-67)

The New Testament does not condemn non-religious physicians and naturalistic medicine. (48) But it does think through questions about illness through its theistic lens. In early Christianity, sickness was seen as a consequence of the Fall. Disease and affliction were seen as part of the work of Satan, even if Satan is not the immediate cause in this or that case. And the bottom line is that healing still belongs to “the Lord who heals you,” as was the case for the Jews before the Christians.

It would be mistaken to attribute to the early Christians a simplistic belief that illness is explained by demonic causes. As with other people of their time, they believed in natural causality of diseases – very much the point that Gary Ferngren wants people to take from his book. Christians went to doctors when they weren’t well, and they prayed. These two things were fine together. When people are sick, they just want to get better. When physicians and medicine failed, then they resorted to alternatives. There was no specifically Christian approach to diagnosing disease or treating it. Christians were part of a Greco-Roman world which had well established medical methods and medical explanations would often do. (59-63) Religiously themed healing was not very prominent. (65)

Unlike in the stories of Jesus confronting spiritual forces of evil, Paul tells us no such demonic stories in his letters. Whereas Paul lists healing as a spiritual gift, not exorcism. What was happening in the gospels with Jesus – that is, stories both of illness and of demons - is not all mirrored in Paul’s churches apparently. But illness was happening. In the lives of early Christians, illness was not closely connected to demonology, just as it wasn’t with Jesus. Sick people who could afford it simply went to physicians, or used known remedies, and went to alternatives if that didn’t work. (48)

So then, Christians in the first five centuries, although of course predisposed to see miracles at times, “did not attribute most diseases to demons, they did not ordinarily seek miraculous or religious cures, and they employed natural means of healing, whether these means involved physicians or home or traditional remedies.” (13) Exorcism was for dealing with demons, not for healing illnesses, although these activities might be mentioned together. (51-52) The idea of demons figures very little at all in discussion of illness. Ferngren emphasises this, perhaps as an implied warning about some churches today where illness is treated as spiritual warfare rather than natural. He wants us to understand that over-spiritualising illness is not the way of Jesus or of the first Christians.

In later centuries, exorcism-type wording became part of baptism liturgy, and Christus Victor theology renewed interesting in discussing demons in the context of Christ’s work. A religious order of exorcists first appears in church structures in the 3rd century. (55-56) In the 4th century, anointing the sick starts to have a formal liturgical setting. (67) There were some healings in these centuries, and some voices of doubt about the efficacy of physicians, but Ferngren wants us to get the point that in early Christianity, if you were sick, you just wanted to get better, and you did what people had done for centuries. You went the doctor.

It is an important lesson that we still need to hear in modern times, whenever Christians postpone a trip to the doctor in the hope that they should wait for a miracle first. That wasn’t the way of the early Christians. And I’ve known people wait too long for a miracle who possibly would have had better health had they been to a doctor sooner. Perhaps anyway.

Just as ancient doctors were sometimes unwilling to treat the untreatable to avoid a reputation of personal ineffectiveness, pastors were probably hesitant about recommending doctors for more or less the same reason: to avoid damaging “don’t blame me” moments when medicine doesn’t work. Pastors would have relied more on the common sense fact that people could make up their own minds about visiting a doctor. If they heard bad stories about this or that physician, they could choose to avoid the same.

Some Church Fathers were rather knowledgeable about medicine. The Cappadocian fathers were familiar with the association of contagion with leprosy. (26-28) Church Fathers were often keen to stress that medical healing was knowable to anyone, and although it was sometimes beneficial, it did not compare with healing as a superior gift of God enjoyed by Christians who know spiritual things.

Of course, this is to speak of the attitudes of educated literate Christians, and we can’t automatically carry that over from their thought-world into that of the poorest Christians. Indeed, few Christians were physicians until Christianity was legalised in the Roman Empire, and the first Christian hospital only came along after that. Physicians tend to congregate in cities. If lots of Christians were the rural poor, this counted against becoming a trained physician, but they would know local healing traditions. Being remote didn’t help with access to physicians, unless there were Roman legions bringing their military physicians with them to keep them fighting fit (if access to them could even be bought). (38)


Christian medical ministry

The Hebrew idea that everyone is created in the image of God goes up another level thanks to Christian reflection on Jesus’ incarnation. Such reflection had real world benefits for the sick and the poor. The Christian idea of agape love comes to the fore. In light of the incarnation of God as Jesus of Nazareth with his agape values, a sharp contrast to Roman values comes into focus. In Christian thinking, human agape love reflects divine love, an inspiring idea that Roman Stoicism never had. Jesus’ command to “Go and do likewise” is truly significant. Private Jewish alms-giving carries on in Christianity because it reflects the agape love of God (as seen in Jesus’ story of the Good Samaritan, for example). But private charity is now a “go and do” command, visiting the sick, aiding the poor, collecting alms on Sunday. You can reflect divine love by going to the poor. This is not Roman! (98-100, 114)

On top of that, as well as everyone being made in the image of God, everyone is now someone for whom Jesus died, with God in Jesus reconciling the world to himself. Now everyone was of newly seen value. Consequently, Christians began putting in writing their objections to abortion, infanticide, suicide, gladiator games, because of the new emphasis on the value of everyone made in God’s image. In contrast, Romans thought infanticide was reasonable and not shocking. (100-101)

With the incarnation also comes a fresh endorsement of the human body as made by God as a good thing to be cared for.  Christ had two natures, human and divine, and so human nature, exemplified by the human body, was imbued with value by Jesus’ life: the perfect man making good the image of God. The Christian idea of fully integrated body-soul personhood, every soul and body having value, was a contrast to values and stories of pagan Rome, where the Roman gods disregarded the weak and the poor (and their gods favoured the powerful) because frankly the weak didn’t really seem to matter to their gods. To Christians on the other hand, the poor bore the face of Christ, and Christ was incarnated to save them body and soul. Christ even identified with the poor, suffered, and expected his followers to have solidarity with the poor. This is the social difference brought about by reflection on the incarnation of Christ. (101-104)

Reflecting on Jesus led to a commitment to medical charity in early Christianity. Ferngren goes on to write about early Christian physicians and hospitals. Urban churches where were the poor and the sick could seek assistance, and later hospitals added to that work. (113) What was the impulse for this? Ferngren: “In contrast to the classical world, which had no religious impulse for charity that took the form of personal concern for those in distress, Christianity regarded charity as motivated by agape, a self-giving love of one’s fellow human beings that reflected the incarnational and redemptive love of god in Jesus Christ.” (114) Having such an ideology (leading churches to such good works) is something that pagan temples and mystery religions lacked. Therefore, Christian care for the marginalised was more effective and organised. (139)

Christian hospitals appeared in the fourth century and were available to the public, unlike Roman military infirmaries had been. One of the strange ironies of the Roman world was that if you were a slave serving the military, you may be given access to the military infirmaries, but if you were a free citizen you were shut out. Slaves were property, an asset, and the military looked after their assets. Some large landowners might do likewise with their slaves. (124) Christian hospitals were therefore of a different, more open, ethos.

In summary, in the context of Greco-Roman society, early Christians had broadly conventional views about sickness as a natural thing, but very unconventional positive values towards the poor and the sick because of the life and teachings of Jesus.

Ferngren goes in detail into practical developments in the early church. If you want to know more about what early Christians thought and did about sickness and healing and medical care, this is the book for you.